Transcript
Webcast: The New International Disability
Rights Treaty and
Why the Disability Community Should Care
September 17, 2008
Thank you for joining us today for the Consortium for Citizens
with Disabilities Webcast on the new International Disability Rights treaty and
why the disability community should care. My name is David Morrissey with AUCD
and I’m going to pass the mic now to our Chair, David Hutt, with MDRM, who will
introduce our panel.
Thank you, David. Good
morning, everyone, actually good afternoon, everyone and good morning to the
folks that are joining us on the west coast.
I would like to welcome you to today’s Webcast on the new International
Disability Rights Treaty and why the disability community could share- should
care. Just to reiterate, as David
Morrissey just mentioned, we are having some audio difficulties because we're
having some technical Internet problems in the Washington area, so we apologize
for that problem. This Webcast will be
recorded and we will be placing this on the CCD Web site for availability later
in the week.
Again, my name is David Hutt, I’m a staff attorney with the
National Disability Rights Network, as well as co-chair of the Consortium of
Citizens with Disabilities International Task Force. I will be moderating today’s Webcast. This Webcast is presented by the Consortium
of Citizens with Disabilities International Task Force, with sponsorship from
the Association of University Centers on Disability, AUCD, Easter Seals and the
Multiple Sclerosis Society.
The Consortium of Citizens with Disabilities is a coalition over
100 national consumer advocacy provider and professional organizations,
headquartered in the Washington, D.C. area.
Since 1973, CCD has advocated on behalf of people of all ages with
physical and mental disabilities, as well as their families. In early 2007 after the Convention of the
Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which is the formal title for the
International Disability Rights Treaty, was finalized for countries to sign and
ratify, CCD created the International Task Force to raise awareness in the
United States disability community about international disability issues. This Webcast is a part of that mission, to
provide CCD member organizations and their affiliates across the country with
information about this new treaty and ways to encourage the United States to
become more actively involved in international disability issues.
Now before I introduce the topics and our speakers, I’d first like
to thank several individuals for their input and involvement in organizing
today's’ events. First of all, Marcie
Roth, who is currently the Executive Director of the National Spinal Cord
Injury Association and was also co-chair of the CCD International Task Force;
Jennifer Dexter at Easter Seals for organizing the live location for today’s
event; David Chattel at the National Multiple Sclerosis Society for making the
captioning and transcription available; and a special thanks to David Morrissey
at AUCD who has worked very hard, including today, to deal with many of the
technical aspects to make this Webcast a success.
Now the three speakers today will be providing an overview of this
new treaty, often referred to as the CRPD, for the initials of the Convention
on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
The speakers will discuss the impact on U.S. law and policy if the
treaty was ratified by the United States and the impact that the CRPD will have
in other areas of the globe. We will
also discuss ways to advocate for U.S. signature and ratification of the
treaty. Our first speaker will be
Katherine Guernsey, who is an international attorney whose practice focuses on
international law, human rights, disability and the development, and who is an
adjunct professor at the American University School of International
Service. Kathy was extensively involved
in the negotiations at the United Nations in drafting the CRPD, providing
counsel to both governments and non-governmental delegations, and providing
human rights education materials and workshops to both governmental and
non-governmental participants. She has
worked as Advocacy Program Officer and legal counsel for Land Mine Survivors
Network, has co-authored numerous publications associated with the treaty
negotiation process, and is co-author of the World Bank publications making
inclusion operational, legal and institutional resources for World Bank staff
on the inclusion of disability issues in investment products, projects and
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, its implementation and
relevance for the World Bank. She is
also co-author of “Human Rights Yes,” a human rights educational manual for
people with disabilities and their allies.
Our second speaker will be Elisabeth Doyle, who is an attorney
with the law firm of Power, Pyles, Sutter and Verville in Washington, D.C.,
where she focuses on disability, working with principal John Kemp and advising
global business clients on national, international trends in disability law,
policy and marketplace drivers. She is co-creator and co-author of “Digital
Accessibility Trends Analysis Data,” a quarterly publication geared toward
international development and disability law and policy. She is also a remember of a research
committee, which is a flagship advocacy initiative of the United Nations Global
Alliance for Information and Communications Technology and Development, known
as G3ICT, and has co-authored articles regarding the ADA and presented in
Vietnam at the country’s conference on new international law and
disability. Previously, Elizabeth was
the Deputy Attorney General of New Jersey, representing the New Jersey
Departments of Education, Health and Human Services.
And finally, our third speaker, who is just off the plane just a
few hours ago, will be Allison Hillman De Velásquez, who is Director of the
Americas Programs at Mental Disability Rights International, MDRI, where she
designs and implements MDRI’s advocacy support programs, human rights
monitoring, and litigation on the Americas.
In collaboration with attorneys from the Center for Justice in
International Law, she presented the first petition to the
Interoperability-American Commission on Human Rights, challenging ongoing
abuses in psychiatric institutions and has investigated abuses against people
with mental illness in institutions in Argentina, Paraguay, Peru and
Uruguay. She is a primary author of
“Ruined Lives - Segregation in Argentina’s Psychiatric Asylums” and “Human Rights in Mental Health in Peru.”
Before I turn the presentation over to Kathy, we do hope to
provide an opportunity for questions following the presentation and, as David
Morrissey indicated, you'll be able to type your questions into the GoTo
webinar. Kathy?
Thank you, David, and thanks for providing us the opportunity to
have this dialog today. I may be a little bit biased here, but I’m a big fan of
the new treaty. And I'm really excited that your organizations have come
together to help the American disability community learn more about this
important document. We're just getting
the PowerPoint on the contents page slide.
There we go, excellent, thanks David.
So I’m going to be discussing three things here. Broadly, I would like to provide some
background on the process that was used to draft the treaty. It was
a rather lengthy process, over five years, and I think it would be
helpful for people to hear a little bit about how this document came to
be. It didn't just spring out of the
U.N. completely formed. I’ll also give
some guidance on the structure and content of the treaty, and then lastly, its
ratification status.
So first of all, the convention negotiation process - the process
was begun by Mexico in December of 2001.
Mexico was a chief sponsor of General Assembly Resolution 56-168. This resolution established an ad hoc
committee of the General Assembly. Now I
should say here it’s unusual for the General Assembly to be involved in
drafting human rights treaties. Normally,
such things would happen in Geneva, however when Mexico tried to start the treaty
process in Geneva, the met some resistance primarily from European countries
who were experiencing human rights treaty fatigue. They felt we had enough
treaties already, we didn't need another treaty. People with disabilities have the same human
rights as everybody else, and they didn't feel there was a need for an
additional treaty. They felt the
disability community would be better served by making better use of the
existing treaties.
However, when Mexico experienced this pushback, they decided that
the process was so important they would try another venue for it. And so they went to the General
Assembly. Again the General Assembly
does not usually draft such treaties, but there’s nothing prohibiting it from
engaging in treaty negotiations. So, a
resolution was passed establishing and ad hoc committee, a temporary body of
the General Assembly. This body was
mandated to consider proposals for a treaty and it met for a total of eight
sessions from 2002 to 2006. And there
was extensive participation in this process.
The official members of the ad hoc committee were U.N. member states,
including the United States. In addition, the ad hoc committee ensured that
civil society could participate fully, particularly people with
disabilities. There was a recognition on
the part of governments that they did not have the expertise necessary to draft
this treaty. If they had enough
disability expertise, we probably wouldn’t need the treaty in the first place. And to their credit, Mexico and many other primarily
developing countries sought to have full participation of people with
disabilities in this process.
The ad hoc committee created another temporary body, called the
working group. The working group was
mandated to put together the first draft to be considered by the ad hoc
committee. This working group met for
one session only in January of 2003, and the working group had very unique
membership. Usually such drafting bodies
are made up either or only government representatives or academics, but Mexico,
New Zealand and a number of other leaders in the ad hoc committee felt that
this group should include people with disabilities. So for the first time ever, a human rights
treaty was drafted with both governments and civil society having equal rights
of participation. In the working group,
if you wanted to speak you put up your flag and requested the opportunity to
speak. They didn't not force civil
society to wait until the government discussion had completed, as would
normally happen in the ad hoc committee.
This created a very unique dialog and many of the government
participants in the working group will tell you how valuable the input of
people with disabilities was.
The final draft of the treaty was adopted on December of 2006, and
it was opened for signature on the 30th of March in 2007. Over 80 countries and the European Union
signed the treaty on that day, and actually Jamaica also ratified on that
day. This is unprecedented in the human
rights field. This is the highest number
of countries to sign such a treaty on its opening day. And I think that’s really reflective of the
international community’s recognition that this is an important treaty for
human rights in general and people with disabilities in particular. The treaty entered into force on the 3rd of
May of this year. Entry into force in
international law is the point at which a treaty becomes legally activated,
legally operative. And so for any country
that becomes a party to the treaty, the treaty becomes legally binding for them
from that point onwards.
The next slide will be a picture of one of the side meeting rooms
at the United Nations. This was a small
room that the NGOs used in order to meet and hold their discussions away from
governments. The picture shows the room
packed with people but this is really one of the smaller groups. By the end of the process, there were over
600 members of civil society registered to participate. And I think that’s really reflective of the
broadness of the participation in these negotiations.
I think we're having a little bit of issue with the PowerPoint but
we can go back - and one more. There’s a
little bit of a delay on the PowerPoint so it’s easy to get the slides going
the other way. Thanks, David.
So the convention structure and content - what is this treaty -
this treaty is one of nine what are called core international human rights
treaties. A core human rights treaty is
one that includes a monitoring mechanism, typically a body of independent
experts who monitor the treaty at the international level. They receive reports from parties to the
treaty and the reports indicate what governments are doing to implement the
treaty, and they're submitted by the governments themselves. Treaties like the Genocide Convention, for
example, are important human rights treaties but they're not core treaties
because they don't include this monitoring mechanism. The CRPD is a core treaty. It establishes an international level
monitoring mechanism. And so it is, if
you will, a higher category of human rights treaty. Because of the current treaty monitoring
reform process that is happening at the United Nations, there were some
suggestion that the treaty should not include any monitoring body. However, the disability community argued successfully
that not having such a monitoring mechanism would make this a second-class
treaty, and governments recognize that that was the case. So we do have an international level
monitoring mechanism for this treaty.
The treaty is legally binding.
As an international convention - convention and treaty mean the same
thing - it is legally binding upon countries who consent to be bound by
it. A country consents to be bound by
becoming a party, or state party, to the treaty. Most countries achieve this by signing,
making them a signatory, and then later ratifying the treaty. It’s not until a country ratifies that it is
legally bound to the treaty. Being a
signatory carries a very low level of legal obligation. Countries that are signatories only need to
comply with the objects and purpose of the treaty, the main idea of the
treaty. It’s not until a country becomes
a full party that it’s legally bound to all of the provisions in the treaty,
subject to any legally valid reservations that it may submit.
I think it’s worth noting that the treaty elaborates existing
human rights in the context of disability.
This treaty does not create new or special or different rights for
people with disabilities. Just as we
have treaties on women and children and migrant workers, this treaty is not
creating new rights for a separate group of people. It’s ensuring that governments understand how
to implement the existing human rights for a group of people who have been
historically ignored in the human rights field.
A word then on the structure of the treaty. Like many human rights conventions, the
Disability Treaty starts with a preamble. The preamble provides some of the
rationale for having the treaty. The
preamble, in and of itself, is not a legally binding segment of the treaty but
it’s important in indicating the drafters’ intent. We then have two articles, articles one and
two, that can be considered introductory articles. They outline the purpose of the treaty and
define some of the terms that are used in it.
Articles 3 through 9 could be called articles of general application.
They include general principles, general obligations, equality and
non-discrimination, women with disabilities, children with disabilities, awareness
raising and accessibility. These
articles include provisions that should be kept in mind when interpreting or
implementing any other aspect of the treaty.
So, for example, they remind governments that when implementing the
article on employment, that they should keep in mind, for example, a gender
component and address the specific needs of women with disabilities. They should, for example when interpreting or
implementing the article on education, keep in mind article nine on
accessibility. So articles three through
nine are very important articles that apply all of the time.
Articles 10 through 30 are the specific articles. They address the core human rights, the
fundamental human rights. And they are
very broad, they include both civil and political rights, as well as economic,
social and cultural. So we capture all
of the areas of life that are relevant for people with disabilities and that
are relevant for anybody, frankly.
Articles 31 through 40 are the implementation and monitoring
measures. They include articles on international
cooperation, encouraging information exchange between countries, not just
developed countries to developing countries, but vice-versa. There are articles on data and statistics,
and the need to gather more data because we have very little really good data
in the international disability field.
They include articles on monitoring at the international level, which I
referenced earlier, and also uniquely articles on monitoring at the national
level. This is the first human rights
treaty to require each state party to have a national level monitoring
mechanism using an independent monitoring body.
It’s very unique in this regard, and it really makes this treaty at the
forefront of the human rights field. The
final articles, articles 41 through 50, really address how to become a party to
the treaty and these sorts of details.
You may also have heard of the optional protocol to the
convention. An optional protocol is,
itself, a treaty that is added onto an existing treaty. It does not change the underlying treaty but
it adds on further issues that governments can choose whether or not they
legally bind themselves to. The optional
protocol to the Disability Convention addresses two additional procedures to strengthen
monitoring and implementation of the convention - an individual communications
or complains procedure and an inquiry procedure. For governments that become party to the
optional protocol, this ensures that people who feel their rights have been
violated can submit a complaint to the international monitoring body. It also ensures that the body can investigate
complaints of human rights abuses by that state party.
Some notable elements of the content of the convention - I think
it’s really important to stress that it is cross-disability in its
approach. Yes, while different
impairment-specific groups of people may have very specific challenges and
needs, the overarching issues apply to all people with disabilities, regardless
of impairment type. And the treaty,
therefore, is cross-disability in approach.
Also, there is no definition of disability. This was hotly contested but, because there
is no internationally agreed upon concept of disability, it was felt that it
would be inappropriate to include a definition here that could in time become
quickly outdated. Instead, we have an
elaboration of the concept of disability, which is included in the
preamble. It recognizes that disability
is an evolving concept and that disability results from the interaction between
persons with impairments, and attitudinal and environment barriers that hinders
their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with
others. This is really reflexive of the
social model of disability. And again,
it makes this document- it puts this document at the forefront of human rights
by moving away from the more traditional medical or welfare models of
disability.
Also in article one in the Purpose section, it includes a
non-exclusive list of the types of people who would be covered by this treaty,
including those with long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory
impairments. This is a floor, not a
ceiling. This is a non-exclusive list
that governments can expand, but at a minimum, people referenced here do need
to be covered.
As I mentioned earlier, the treaty is comprehensive in its
content, including economic, social and cultural rights, and civil and
political rights. There is a strong
thread of non-discrimination and equality running throughout the treaty. There
is also a focus on monitoring at all levels, both nationally and
internationally. There is a strong
connection in the treaty between disability, human rights and development,
which I think is also reflexive of the leadership of developing countries in
this process. Gender equality, again, is
a very prominent concern in the treaty.
And lastly, I would say that the treaty is very consistent with the
sprit of the Americans with Disabilities Act, which was recognized in the
process as being one of the historic documents that should form a reference
point for the drafters.
Lastly, a word on ratification.
As I mentioned earlier, 20 countries were needed to- the convention
requires that 20 countries ratify, or become state parties, to the treaty in
order for it to enter into force, to become legally operative. As of September the 15th, there were 130
signatures to the Convention, 71 signatures to the optional protocol, 37
ratifications of the Convention - so 37 countries have become party to it - and
there are 22 ratifications of the optional protocol. So both the treaty and its optional protocol
have become legally binding in international law for those countries who choose
to be parties to it.
Lastly, the countries who have ratified as of September 15th,
include Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh, Brazil, Chili, China, Croatia, Cuba,
Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Gabon, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary, India, Jamaica,
Jordan, Kenya, Mali, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay, Peru,
the Philippines, Qatar, San Marino, Saudi Arabia, Slovenia, South Africa,
Spain, Thailand, Tunisia and Turkmenistan.
I believe that list is representative of the breadth of the embrace of
the international community for this treaty. You have both developed and
developing countries in there. You have
countries from every region, so really this is a treaty that has been
recognized as being fundamentally important by the international community as a
whole.
Thank you very much for your time, and I’m going to pass the
microphone now to Elisabeth Doyle.
Good afternoon, everyone.
I’m going to be talking a little bit this afternoon about some of the
differences between the principles of the Convention and U.S. disability law
with an eye, of course, toward identifying areas that might need attention if,
indeed, the U.S. does ratify the Convention.
And I’ll start by saying that this is a subject on which we could spend
hours talking. And I have about 20
minutes, so I am just going to do my best to give you an overview. I will not cover every single difference,
however I will note that if you are interested in delving very deeply into each
and every difference and comparing different articles of the Convention with
different provisions in U.S. disability law, there’s a wonderful document
floating around out there, it was certainly one of the resources that was
helpful to me in preparing for today’s presentation, and that is a repot
entitled, “Finding the Gaps.” It was put
forth by, I believe the FCD back in May of 2008, and it can certainly be found
online.
Before I start talking about some of the differences, I thought
we'd start by just touching quickly on some of the similarities. I agree very much with Kathy that the overall
principles of the - I’m sorry, I’m being told to put the mic closer - that the
overall principles of the Convention are very much consistent with American
disability law, so that’s the first thing that I would note. And this is certainly not a surprise because
U.S. disability law, in particular the ADA, was one of the sources of
inspiration for the U.N. convention. The
ADA really can't be underestimated in terms of its ground-breaking impact, its
pioneering force, and it certainly has had global effect in terms of catalyzing
thought by other countries in terms of developing comprehensive disability
rights legislation.
One quick similarity, both contain- you'll hear the phrase
“reasonable accommodation” when you read the U.N. convention, borrowed from the
ADA. Both also certainly recognize,
although in different language, the historic marginalization of people with
disabilities, and both documents have at their heart, although again it might
be expressed in slightly different language, goals of equal opportunity,
participation, independence and inclusion of people with disabilities.
In terms of differences between the U.N. convention and disability
law, one of the phrases - I'm not being reset, someone has put the microphone
closer to me so I believe that will work better - but in any event, it’s often
said that U.S. disability law, particular the ADA, has what’s called an
anti-discrimination sort of an approach, and this is true. We know that Title I
of the ADA prohibits discrimination against people with disabilities in the
area of employees, Title II prohibits discrimination in programs and services
of state and local government, Title III prohibits discrimination in terms of
places of public accommodation, and Section 504, which applies to the federal
government, prohibits discrimination by organizations that receive federal
funds.
But with that said, and again this is echoing a bit of what Kathy
had mentioned, the Convention also takes a very strong anti-discrimination
approach in terms of general principles.
One of the general principles of the Convention, of course, is
non-discrimination amongst the general obligations of the parties, is to take
all appropriate measures to abolish discrimination. Article 5 addresses equality and
non-discrimination and so on. So
anti-discrimination is certainly very much part of this document. But the Convention also takes another
approach and its own sort of unique approach, and that is we're approaching
disability issues from a very affirmative standpoint.
The Convention takes an affirmative approach to inclusion and integration
and access in all spheres of life. It
imposes affirmative obligations on state parties to, as I indicated on my
slide, create conditions of dignity, inclusion, respect and equality across the
spectrum of human experience. The
Convention also has an emphasis on maximizing human potential. A couple of articles that reflect this well
is the article pertaining to women with disabilities and the article pertaining
to education. The Convention deals with uprooting negative attitudes and
stereotypes toward people with disabilities, again another very important
component and one article which demonstrates this well is the awareness-raising
article.
The Convention, again Kathy noted this as well, doesn't have a
precise definition of disability as you would find in the ADA, but rather
identifies barriers as what define disability as opposed to some sort of
intrinsic difference or deficiency. And as I wrote on my slide, just a quote,
this is a quote from the Convention - disability “results from the interaction
between persons with impairments and attitudinal and environment barriers that
hinder their full and effective participation in society.
So when we take all of these things together and we take this
anti-discrimination approach, together with an affirmative approach to
inclusion and integration, an emphasis on maximizing human potential, on
uprooting negative attitudes and combine that with a whole different sort of a
take on disability which removes the stigma from the individual, what you have
is a very unique, comprehensive document, one which I find very impressive and
promising.
And I’m going to discuss, and I’m sure that I will be cut short at
a certain point, but some of the areas of difference, the specific areas of
difference, between the Convention and U.S. disability law. And I’m going to start by talking just a
little bit about Article 5, which deals with equality and
non-discrimination. And as I had
mentioned earlier, both pieces of legislation reflect this reasonable
accommodation standard. But the
Convention goes further. It requires
that state parties - again reading from the slide - take all appropriate steps
to ensure that reasonable accommodation is provided or take specific measures
that accelerate or achieve de facto equality.
And here is the really marked difference between the Convention and U.S.
law. Under the Convention, these
measures are not to be considered discrimination or what otherwise might be
termed reverse discrimination here in the U.S.
So these would include measures such as incentive programs, quotas,
affirmative action, these sorts of very aggressive approaches towards creating
balance. And clearly this is beyond what
U.S. law requires, so this is obviously one of the key areas that we would need
to revisit and reevaluate if indeed the U.S. chooses to ratify the Convention.
Let’s move on, next Article 6, another example of a provision that
contains some differences, reflects some differences with U.S. law, women with
disabilities. State parties - this is a
very sort of comprehensive mandate - that state parties recognize that women
and girls with disabilities are subject to multiple discrimination, shall take
all measures to ensure the full and equal enjoyment by them of all their human
rights and fundamental freedoms. And
you'll forgive me if I read sometimes.
These are just excerpts from the Convention itself, just brief excerpts.
The language is important. The language
is very, very powerful and comprehensive.
The next bullet down, state parties must take all appropriate measures
to ensure the full development, advancement and empowerment of women for the
purpose of guaranteeing them the exercise and enjoyment of the rights, of the
human rights and fundamental freedoms in the Convention. So this is an area of difference. In U.S. law we have discrete areas where
gender discrimination is addressed.
Discrimination in the employment sphere is prohibited, sexual harassment
is actionable if it is “sufficiently severe,” and of course under Title IX
discrimination in educational programs or activities receiving federal
financial assistance is also prohibited.
There are no federal laws aimed at the dual discrimination against women
with disabilities. So here again, we
have a very sort of a fundamental difference and approach. We have the approach of U.S. law which,
again, sort of sets out discrete areas - albeit very important areas -
employment, education. These are very
important and this is very important legislation that exists here in the U.S.
and in many ways is very effective. But
we contrast that with another tier, which is again, this notion of ensuring the
full enjoyment of human rights, full development, advancement and empowerment
of women and really the full realization of human potentials. These are, again, interesting differences.
I’ll go on from there to the next slide, Article 24, which deals
with education, this was another example to me of an area in which the
Convention again stresses that notion of the development and maximization of
human potential, which can be contrasted with the anti-discrimination
approach. We're not just saying, you
know you must not discriminate, you also have an affirmative obligation to
assist in the development of human ability.
One of the stark contrasts between education law in the Convention and
under U.S. law, in the U.S. we have the IDEA under which children with
disabilities are entitled to free and appropriate education, however not
necessarily entitled to achieve their full human potential. S
And I’ll move on from there to Article 8, and this again- I mean
all of these differences are important.
This one certainly stands out.
The Convention, the drafters of the Convention, recognize that you don't
really change behavior effectively or create effective outcomes without also
working to change attitudes. And this is
something that the Convention does, the drafters did, very well. And just to read from the slide - state
parties undertake to adopt immediate, effective and appropriate measures to
raise awareness throughout society, including at the family level, regarding
persons with disabilities and to foster respect for the rights and dignity of
persons with disabilities to combat stereotypes, prejudices and harmful
practices, etc., etc., and to promote awareness of the capabilities and
contributions of persons with disabilities. And again, at the bottom of the
slide, the difference is that there is no affirmative obligation under U.S. law
to actively promote positive images of people with disabilities and to counter
unrealistic and negative images or myths.
So again, this is really trying to create a sea change and in my mind is
very important.
I’m not quite sure how much time I have left but I’ll try to move
- about five minutes - okay I’ll try to move through these quickly. I might even skip over a slide or two. See, I’ll move quickly through a few of
these. Next Article 16, freedom from
exploitation, violence and abuse, again state parties shall take all
appropriate measures both within and outside the home to contravene all forms
of exploitation, violence and abuse against people with disabilities. Big difference, no federal law specifically
addresses violence against people with disabilities. IT accessibility, Article 9 is the primary
article that addresses this, although there’s also a reference in Article 21
that could pertain to the Internet. But in any event, IT which is now such an
important part of our lives and so integral to the full participation of people
with disabilities in all spheres of life, is addressed very well in the
Convention. State parties are required
to promote research and development of universally designed goods, to take
appropriate measures to ensure persons with disabilities equal access to
information and communications and the Internet, in contrast with U.S. law
which as we know does require that IT used or developed or procured or
maintained by the federal government be accessible to people with
disabilities. So again, there’s a
wonderful, there’s a lot there in terms of U.S. law in terms of the obligation
of the federal government to make IT accessible to people with
disabilities.
But where the Convention sort of fills in that gap in my mind, or
one of the important areas, is in terms of private Websites. We know that the ADA came into effect in
1990. That was before the Internet
really was in the ascendancy the way it is today. As a result, the ADA didn't recognize
Websites or the Internet as a place of public accommodation. So the result is that we now have a lot of
court battles, the NFB versus Target litigation is the most recent in court
battles to address this issue. The case
was recently settled, I should add. But
in any event, this would be something that would clarify that sort of finally,
hopefully in terms of U.S. law, should be ratify and bring our laws into
compliance with the Convention.
I want to quickly address employment, as this is an area where
there are several significant differences.
Under Article 22, state parties recognize the right of persons with
disabilities to work on an equal basis with others in an environment that is
open, inclusive and accessible. And to
that end, state parties have to ensure effective access to technical and
vocational training, must promote employment through affirmative action
incentives, promote employment opportunities and career advancement, and
provide job placement assistance. Well
as I noted on the slide, there are some similarities here with U.S. law, we
see. This is where we see the reasonable
accommodation standard echoed in the Convention. We also see that the Convention prohibits
discrimination in hiring, recruitment and retention, just as Title I of the ADA
does.
But there are some very significant differences. Obviously, as we addressed before, U.S.,
there are no requirements to implement any sort of incentive programs or
affirmative action plans. The U.S. has
historically had an almost visceral reaction to that which I think we may need
to really examine, possibly to the great benefit of everyone - just a personal
feeling there. So the other thing is
that there is no emphasis on vocational training here in the U.S. under the
law. And it’s very difficult to talk
seriously about raising levels of people with disabilities in the workforce when
we're not also talking about vocational training and education. These are really parts of a whole. So again, we see this integrated, affirmative
approach to the issue of employment the same way we see it throughout the
Convention.
And I’m assuming I’m out of time.
(inaudible) sure, I will jump to my concluding slide which is really
just for me to chitchat about things.
You know, I think it’s clear, again Kathy mentioned this before, there
are many similarities with U.S. law.
There are also very distinct areas of difference, and we see, again what
those are. It’s a difference in
approach, it’s a difference in sort of a holistic approach to the issue of
disability and inclusion. So my feeling
is that, yes, there are differences, they can be rectified. They can be rectified with expanding the
legislation that we have, implementing new legislation and I personally feel it
would be a great benefit to us, as a nation, and to people with disabilities to
ratify and to bring our laws and policies into compliance with the Convention
because this really is, you know, as strong as the ADA is, this is taking it to
a different level which I believe would reap even greater benefits. And with that, sign off.
Hi, this is David Morrissey here at the CCD broadcast on the
International Convention- I’m sorry, the International Disability Rights
Treaty. I just wanted to interrupt the
presentations for a moment to apologize for the challenges some listeners are
experiencing with the audio stream today.
We do hope to have an audio archive of today's presentation available on
the CCD Web site after today’s presentation that should hopefully be a cleaner
recording. So if you have experienced
dropouts today or missing sound, you'll be able to access the recording in the
future. At this point, I will turn over
to our final presenter, Allison Hillman De Velásquez. One moment, please.
Good afternoon, it’s my great pleasure to be here and to be
speaking on such a distinguished panel
of legal experts. Let’s see if we can
get the PowerPoint up on the screen.
I've been asked to speak today about the international impact of the
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. I work with Mental Disability Rights
international, which works to promote the rights and the full inclusion in
society of persons with disabilities. We
do this by investigating and documenting abuses typically in locked
institutions by bringing attention to these abuses by report writing, working
with civil society to strengthen local disabled persons associations and
through international policy advocacy.
In terms of the international impacts of the Convention, I’d like
to focus on four main impacts and then the role that I see U.S. disability
rights advocates being able to play in this field. First, I’ll begin to talk about the CRPD, as
it’s known, as a tool to address egregious human rights abuses. To begin, I’ll talk about why do we need a
convention in the first place. One
important reason, from my role as a human rights advocate, is that - and this
is intimately linked to my work with Mental Disability Rights international -
is that there are ongoing egregious abuses against people with disabilities
going on on a worldwide scale. And the
Convention gives us a powerful tool to help address these abuses. Today I will speak briefly about some of
MDRI’s findings in three different countries where we've worked - Serbia,
Paraguay and Argentina. As part of this
presentation, I've included some very disturbing images to help illustrate the
seriousness of the abuses against people with disabilities that MDRI encounters
in different countries around the world.
In Serbia, MDRI has found babies, children and adults with
disabilities subject to life-threatening institutionalization. These are conditions that are dangerous and
life-threatening and inflict mental and physical suffering, and rise to the
level of torture. We have found
restraints being used for staff convenience and in place of caring interventions
to address self-abuse. I have an image
here on this next slide that, for those of you who aren't able to see it, it’s
a very disturbing image of a young girl who’s emaciated, tied by her wrists to
her crib. In the following slide, there
is a teenage boy, who is also tied by his wrists to a crib with a t-shirt
pulled over his head and his legs curled up underneath him. The final slide that I have that depicts what
we've uncovered in Serbian institutions is a small girl, who might be around
three years of age, wrapped - her entire upper body - in part of a sheet as
someone might use a straightjacket.
In Paraguay, we've found unexplained deaths, years long detention
in tiny isolation cells, inhuman and degrading treatment, and lack of
alternatives in the community. In this
next slide, I have a photo of a young man, who was 18 years old at the time we
took this photo, he is detained in a six by six feet isolation cell, naked
without access to bathrooms. And he had
been there for four years. He ate and
slept in the same area where he urinated and defecated. We found this young boy and another boy
detained in these cells, and we also found 458 other people detained in the
institution in similarly inhuman and degrading treatment and conditions.
I’ll give a final example of our work from Argentina. In Argentina, MDRI found that there were
25,000 people segregated in psychiatric institutions in the country. 80 percent of these people are detained for
more than a year, and the average length of institutionalization is nine
years. Between 60 and 90 percent of
these individuals, depending on what government authority you spoke with, are
detained for socio-economic reasons. In
other words, they are receiving no treatment within the institution that they
could not otherwise receive, were community services available. In this next slide, I have a photo of a woman
who is lying on the floor outside one very decrepit building. We find thousands and thousands of people abandoned
in institutions with no meaningful activity during the day and no hope of ever
leaving the institution. In Argentina we
have also found widespread physical and sexual abuse. We found three people who incinerated in
isolation cells within three years in three separate incidents in a province of
Argentina. We found a young woman who
had been 23 years old and forcibly sterilized.
We arrived the day after she had been given birth and the director of
the institution had had her tubes tied. And we find lack of medical care. In this next slide, I have a woman. This photo was taken in a thousand-bed
institution in Buenos Aires, Argentina.
The woman is lifting up her skirt to reveal a hole in her leg which is
severely infected. She also had to have
her fingers amputated on her right hand because she did not receive adequate medical
attention.
The second major impact of the CRPD on an international level that
I’d like to discuss, and now moving away from the really horrendous abuses that
MDRI finds in countries across the world, is that this Convention has led to a
tremendous growth, expansion, and strengthening of a disability rights movement
on a global scale. And I know that
Katherine Guernsey, as she was an intimate part of the Convention drafting
process, really saw this take shape. Now
that the Convention has entered into force and there are countries around the
world that have ratified the Convention, this disability rights movement is
continuing cooperation on the implementation of the Convention, which is an
essential step at this point.
The third important impact that I’d like to just touch on very
briefly is that international cooperation and U.N. bodies are undergoing a
fundamental transformation. First of all
there is increased funding through international cooperation and even
foundations in the United States have set up specific disability rights money
so that disabled person organizations can receive funding. The Convention has been a transformative
element within U.N. agency structures.
All of these structures must now incorporate disability into their work,
including UNICEF, UNDP and others. USAID
must now fund disabled persons organizations.
All actions and documentation must now comply with the CRPD. And, of course, there’s an increased
visibility of the rights of persons with disabilities on a global scale.
And I’ll speak very, very briefly about the impacts on
international law and that the entry into force of the Convention has
meant. Again, as Elisabeth has said, we
could spend hours or days or write and entire treatise on the impacts that the
Convention will have on international law, but as the time is limited, I’m
touching on just some very brief points.
As Katherine mentioned, this specific instrument which sets forth
existing rights in the context of disability.
This Convention also allows for the reinterpretation of other
international human rights norms that have been established but may not be as
strong, or weaker, as they apply to persons with disabilities. There are some previous standards that the
Convention now supercedes. And there’s
an express recognition that the rights guaranteed in other core human rights
treaties apply to persons with disabilities.
Often you will see in disability language that the Convention will apply
without discrimination to everyone based on gender, race, etc., but sometimes
there’s no mention of disability. Now we
don't have to fight to say we're included in this treaty. We have a special treaty that outlines our
rights in the context of disability, and this is a huge impact that the
Convention will have.
Finally, I just wanted to touch on the role that I see for U.S.
disabled persons organizations. The U.S.
is seen as a leader in disability rights.
Disability persons, or disabled persons organizations, have experienced
achieving disability rights legislation. And, as Elisabeth mentioned earlier,
groundbreaking U.S. legislation on disability rights, particularly the ADA, has
been a huge driving force behind the Convention and has helped shape many of
the Convention articles. The strength of
the U.S. cross disability movement is a huge example for the international
disability rights community in how U.S. organizations have been able to come
together and work toward common goals.
Finally, I’d just like to say that I think for the U.S. to maintain leadership
in disability rights, that the United States must ratify the Convention and the
world is looking to the United States to ratify this Convention. And that’s
where I’ll end. If you want more
information about MDRI, you can visit our Web site at www.mdri.org. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Allison. I’d like to thank very much the speakers for
that and very informative presentations on the various aspects of the
Convention. Obviously, we received a lot
of information and the disturbing images that MDRI has presented, which they
found in various institutions across the world, I think very much indicates why
the U.S. need to be more involved in international disability issues. And as Allison mentioned, the increase in
cooperation across countries and across disability organizations across the
globe is one of the reasons the Consortium on Citizens with Disabilities is
trying to become more involved in international issues. As Allison mentioned, the U.S. has been a
leader in this area and we hope to continue to increase the involvement of
disability organizations in the U.S. in these broader international issues.
Before we're going to open it up to questions, I’d like to just
talk very briefly about some of the efforts that have been occurring in terms
of getting the United States to either- well to first sign the Convention as a
first step, and then ultimately to ratify the Convention. The CCD International Task Force is involved
in trying to persuade most likely the next administration to sign the Convention
as a first step toward ratification.
Information on the work, of the CCD Task Force - and it will also
include this Webcast today archive - is available at www.c-c-d.org. Once you get to that Web site, again it’s
www.c-c-d.orgg, you can click on the link that indicates Task Force, that will
list all of the various number of CCD task forces and then you can look for the
International Task Force page and we will have this archive, as well as other
information on ratification signature efforts, as well as links to the
Connection in general.
Another organization that I need to inform folks about is called
Ratify Now. Ratify Now is a grassroots
organization that has been very involved in attempting to get the ratification
of the Convention. They are working with
a lot of organizations across the states.
Information- their Website is available at www.ratifynow.orgg. Now one of the interesting things that Ratify
Now has been working on is getting local jurisdictions to adopt resolutions
which are calling for the U.S. government to ratify the Convention. Currently they have 11 local jurisdictions
which have enacted these resolutions, asking that the United States ratify this
convention.
Another effort, and this comes out of a broader human rights
context, is organizations across the country are attempting to get their local
jurisdictions to essentially adopt the provisions of the CRPD as part of local
law, essentially taking the various provisions, creating a city or municipal
ordinance and establishing essentially the essence of the convention into local
law. This will actually make it easier
if these ordinances are to blossom into larger numbers across the country, for
the Senate to hopefully ratify this Convention one day. So those are the efforts
that the various organizations are making toward signature and
ratification. And I just want to see if
there’s any other comments that maybe some of the presenters may have in terms
of efforts to try to get signature and ratification of the Convention.
Okay I guess in the sense of time, we're going to move on to see
if there are any questions. And again,
your opportunity will be to type in the questions on the box in Go To
Webinar. We will read those questions
out for the panelists.
We have one question. This
is for Allison. They're asking a little
bit more about the patient who was incinerated that they found in their
investigations.
Hi there, this is Allison Hillman. I
received a question about our findings in an investigation in Argentina and
what we meant by the fact that there were the persons who were incinerated in
isolation cells. These individuals
burned to death when they were detained in isolation. They were burned to death in three separate
incidents and it’s not clear why there were fires in their isolation
cells. We were told at one point that
perhaps someone was smoking a cigarette and the - lachon in Spanish - mattress
caught fire. But basically this is an
inherent danger when you lock someone in a tiny cell, why they couldn't find
the keys in time to let someone out before they burned to death, and not just
one people but - one person - but three people within three years is
astonishing to us.
Hi, this is Jennifer Dexter at Easter Seals. We'd be remiss if we didn't mention today
that the ADA Act amendments of this year just passed this morning, which is a
big victory for all of us, but was curious how that may or may not impact the
intersection between American law and the Convention. Are there any impacts there? Just curious.
Well as far as I know, and I'm going back in my mind to the ADA
Restoration Act, which Allison and I were talking about, which - and Allison
will correct me if my recollection is wrong - but I believe that this, part of
the reason for the ADA Restoration Act was this series of judicial opinions
which essentially misinterpreted the intent of Congress in enacting the
ADA. These judicial interpretations
essentially, one of the primary problems with them was that they disregarded
Congress’ original intent that included in within the spectrum of protected
individuals would be individuals with disabilities who used mitigating measures
to deal with their disabilities. So I
think a main thrust of the ADA Restoration Act was to make clear what Congress
had originally made clear so that it couldn't continue to be
misinterpreted. I have to say that I
don't really know if that - and I don't want to misstate - but I don't know if
that bears too much on this issue.
Again, the U.N. Convention doesn't really set forth a firm definition of
disability. So I think it’s very
promising for us here, for a lot of reasons in terms of the interpretation
going forward of the ADA, but I’m seeing that Katherine would like to add something.
Thanks, Elisabeth, just to say that I think the reinvent
initiatives to pass the ADA Restoration Act are indicative of a desire in the
United States to do more. As wonderful
as the ADA is, as wonderful as it is now to have the ADA Restoration Act, I
think we have gone through a period of reflection and examination. And I’m hopeful that we can maintain some of
that interest and momentum to say, “Well wait a minute. What can we do to really effectively ensure substantive
equality for people with disabilities in the United States?” And I think the timing of this, with the
entry into force of the treaty, it’s great timing. And I’m hopeful that there will be an
interest in looking to the treaty to see, well maybe this can provide even more
gap-filling for us and maybe a slight change in our philosophy to be even more
comprehensive in our approach to the issues faced by people with disabilities
here in the United States. So maybe it’s
just serendipity, but I’m very hopeful about these things.
I just want to add something to that as well. I think that Kathy really hit it right on the
head in terms of the momentum right now lies with the disability community and
this is the time, it is the time to be pushing for ratification of the
Convention. And the other thing that’s
hopeful is that this sort of demonstrates receptivity on the part of our
lawmakers. So again, that too is a
hopeful sign that maybe indeed the stars are aligning.
Okay we're going to have time for two more questions, I believe,
from the Internet. I’m going to pass the
mic to David Morrissey, who is sitting at the computer right now and will be
able to read the questions right off there.
This question comes from Evelyn Shirrow [sp], she asks, “Is there
a plan to offer presentations like this at national conferences of U.S.
professional organizations or national publications?” Her perspective is that service providers who
provide developing countries services are unaware of the Convention. And she has found this herself as she
participates in humanitarian professional activities. Do you have any insights on how to educate
that sector?
Well that is actually one of the issues why CCD has developed this
international task force is to raise awareness of disability issues across the
board. So this is a start in the effort,
and I appreciate the question because that indicates that we have support to
continue these efforts to reach out to various aid and third world relief
organizations, as well as development organizations. So this is an ongoing effort. There are several organizations, one, the
United States International Council on Disability, that is sort of
restructuring around disability issues.
And this is one of the things that I certainly will bring up to that
group, as well as other groups, about the need for additional training such as
this.
And this next question comes from Kristin Fondrias [sp ] and I
think this may provide a nice question to be sort of summative about our
presentations today and really the theme for our presentation. For disability advocates in the United
States, how much of a priority should we place on the attempt to get this
treaty passed? In general, does it seem
likely that this treaty will be signed by the U.S. soon?
Thanks, I think that is a great question to provide the capstone
for our discussions today. And I guess
I’d like to preface the answer with a little bit more elaboration why we should
care, to build upon what Elisabeth and Allison spoke of earlier, I think one of
the reasons why we should care about this treaty - and when I say “we” I mean
the United States disability community - we should care because the
rights-based approach represented in the treaty really calls for a much more
comprehensive examination of the barriers faced by people with disabilities and
a much more comprehensive attempt to find solutions. So, for example, when we talk about
employment in the United States, we tend to focus on the workplace settings,
the hiring of people, reasonable accommodations in those settings. We don't as frequently include in that
discussion the transportation to get people to their jobs, the educational
opportunities that they may or may not have had to be qualified for those jobs,
the health care that may or may not facilitate their ability to work and the
many other issues that the treaty elaborates in some detail. I think that more comprehensive approach
could really strengthen our work at this level.
And I should say that, while I think the U.S. ratifying this
treaty would be invaluable in institutionalizing that approach in our laws and
policies, we can still take onboard what the treaty calls for in our own work,
whether the U.S. is a party or not. One
of the other things I think we should be attentive to is the fact that the
United States is already a party to some important core human rights treaties
such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention Against
Racial Discrimination. We are already a
party, we are already legally obligated to implement those treaties in this
country. The treaty monitoring bodies
for those treaties will be now interpreting those treaties in light of this new
disability convention. So even if we are
not officially a party to the treaty, the concepts and philosophies and ideas
represented in the disability treaty will filter into those other treaty
processes. I think if we're going to
have to be responsive to these issues before those other treaty monitoring
bodies, it would behoove us really to become an official part of the disability
treaty’s own monitoring and implementation system. And I think that I’m very hopeful that the
next administration, whoever that will be, we're already heard from the
candidates that they are open to discussing ratification of the treaty. And I think that we should build upon the
momentum with a new administration to push for ratification so that we can
enjoy the benefits of the disability treaty system, the international
cooperation that it offers, and also really reassume our place as leaders in
the disability field internationally.
I just wanted to add quickly, someone came over and kindly
reminded us that the candidates - and I was going to just sort of follow
briefly on the heels of Katherine’s remarks by saying, you know with the
pending change in administration, it may
bode well, hopefully, for ratification.
We will see but in any event, the recommendation was to actually visit
the Websites of the candidates and assess their individual positions on
disability generally and on the convention, specifically. And again, it’s being brought to my attention
that Senator Obama has said on video that he does support ratification of the
convention.
This is Kathy again. One
final point about signature. I was
remiss in my comments earlier. I talked
about other countries that had signed and ratified, but I didn't reference
us. The United States has neither signed
nor ratified. We missed our opportunity
to be leaders in being one of the first signatories of this treaty. We have also missed an opportunity to
ratify. Those opportunities don't go
away though. We can still sign. And signing would be a hugely important
symbolic initiative for the United States, I think, and it would not carry with
it the same legal obligations as ratification.
So signing, alone, I think would be a really important thing to push
for. And it would start the process of
getting the United States to really consider the value of this treaty, both
here in the United States and what we can bring to the international community. So while we have been talking about ratification,
signature is important too.
Well, that is going to conclude our Webcast on the international
disability treaty and why the disability community should care. I would like to thank our speakers again very
much for taking the afternoon off and assisting with this effort. Again, this is a first effort to raise the
awareness of the convention and to build this ground root support to first
convince the United States to sign and then hopefully ultimately to ratify the
convention. Again, the Websites have
been given. Given today’s technical
problems, we hope that you will return if you were unable to hear the complete
audio, as this will be made available within the next several weeks on the CCD
Web site. So this is David Hutt for the
CCD International Task Force. I do want
to remind folks that, as you exit, that you please answer the survey about the
Webcast that will pop up after you exit.
So we thank you for joining us this afternoon.