| Opening Doors A HOUSING PUBLICATION FOR THE DISABILITY COMMUNITY |
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MAY 2003 |
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Priced Out in
2002:
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| Priced Out in 2002 documents the desperate plight of people with disabilities who are now entirely "priced out" of the rental housing market. |
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A publication of the
Technical Assistance
Collaborative, Inc.
and the Consortium for
Citizens with Disabilities
(CCD) Housing
Task Force

| What's Inside? |
Major
Findings of Priced Out in 2002
The Housing Crisis
Continues
Priced Out in 2002 Methodology
Percent of SSI Benefits Needed
to Rent a One-Bedroom Housing Unit
SSI and Median Income
Comparisons by State
How
to Use the Information in Priced Out in 2002
Effect
of State SSI Supplements
Increases
in SSI Compared to Increases in Housing Costs
SSI
Benefits Compared to the Housing Wage
Housing
Affordability for People with Disabilities in Your Community
By comparing SSI monthly
income (equal to $545 in 2002) to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban
Development Fair Market Rents across the
·
In 2002, for the first time ever, the average
national rent was greater than the amount of income received by Am
·
In 2002, people with disabilities were priced out of
every housing market area in the
·
People with disabilities continue to be the poorest
people in the nation. As a
national average, SSI benefits in 2002 were equal to only 18.8 percent of the
one-person median household income.
·
Rental housing costs continued to increase much more
rapidly than the income of people with disabilities.
From 2000 to 2002, rental housing costs rose at twice the rate of SSI
cost-of-living adjustments. In
some high-cost housing market areas, increases in rental housing costs were
six times higher than SSI benefits increases.
·
People with disabilities receiving SSI benefits
needed to triple their income to afford a decent one-bedroom unit in 2002.
This finding is based on the National Low Income Housing Coalition’s
2002 Housing Wage of $12.08 per hour, which is approximately 3.5 times higher
than the SSI equivalent hourly wage of $3.43.
Today,
millions of people with disabilities do not have a safe and affordable place
they can call home. Instead, over
1.9 million people remain in public institutions, nursing homes, and unsafe
board and care homes. In addition
to these individuals, 1.4 million people with disabilities receiving SSI
benefits live in seriously substandard housing and/or in housing that costs
more than half their income. More
than 640,000 people are not even counted in housing needs estimates because
they continue to live at home with aging parents whose constant worry is where
their adult child will live after they die.
Hundreds of thousands of people receiving disability benefits are
homeless on any given night.
During the 1990s, rental
housing costs rose dramatically and, by 2002, people with disabilities
receiving SSI were completely priced out of the rental housing market.
During this same time period, the federal government continued to back
away from its long-standing commitment to provide housing assistance for the
poorest Am
Federal
Measures of Housing Affordability and Housing Needs
Within federal
housing policy, housing affordability and the need for housing
assistance are measured primarily by the percentage of income that a
low-income household pays each month for housing costs, including
utilities. As the percentage
of household income used for housing goes up, the household’s ability
to afford that housing goes down. This
“income-to-rent” affordability comparison is also used by the
federal government to determine the relative need for housing assistance
among all low-income households and to identify “worst case” housing
needs. Under current federal
guidelines, housing is considered affordable for a low-income household
when the cost of monthly rent plus utilities does not exceed 30 percent
of monthly household income. Low-income
households that pay between 31 and 50 percent of their income toward
housing costs are considered to be “rent burdened” by the federal
government. When the
percentage spent on housing costs exceeds 50 percent of monthly income,
low-income households are considered to be “severely” rent burdened
and have “worst case” needs for housing assistance. |
Priced Out in 2002:
(1) assesses housing affordability for people with disabilities receiving SSI
across the United States in 2002; and (2) compares the 2002 data with data
from Priced Out in 2000 to determine whether the housing affordability
gap for people with disabilities is better or worse than it was two years ago.
To complete this assessment, five separate data sets from 2002 were
used:
In 2002, as a national
average, people with disabilities receiving SSI benefits needed to pay 105
percent of their monthly income to rent a one-bedroom unit priced at the HUD
FMR. This finding – illustrated by state in Table 1 – is based on a comparison of state SSI benefit levels
(including uniformly applied state supplements to SSI) to HUD Fair Market
Rents for one-bedroom units.
In 2002, modest one-bedroom rents in the

The state-by-state
analysis in Table 1 finds that in 16 states and the
In 2002, there were 132
housing market areas in the United States with average rents for one-bedroom
units above 100 percent of monthly SSI benefit levels – 9 more than the 123
high-cost areas identified in Priced Out
in 2000. In 17 of the
country’s highest-cost housing market areas, rents for modest one-bedroom
units were more than 150 percent of SSI, including the
An analysis of SSI benefits by state compared to
median incomes shows that the income level of people with disabilities
receiving SSI benefits continues to decline when compared to other households.
In 2002, SSI benefits were equal to only 18.8 percent of the one-person
median income nationally. Since Priced
Out
was first published in 1998, SSI income has declined by 6 percent relative to
median income nationally and rental housing costs have risen dramatically.
Because SSI income is so much lower than the income of other
prospective renters, people with disabilities have virtually no hope of
competing in the private housing market for the few low-cost units that are
available. Table 2 provides
national and state-by-state data comparing SSI benefits to median incomes.
As shown in Table 2, SSI benefits in many states
were lower than 20 percent of the median income for a one-person household.
In five states (Delaware, Illinois, Maryland, New Jersey, and Virginia)
and the District of Columbia, the income of a person with a disability
receiving SSI was less than 15 percent of the average one-person’s income.
SSI and median income comparisons are important for
disability housing advocates because federal officials use the median income
as a standard to establish housing program policies and eligibility and
targeting criteria. For example,
most federal housing assistance programs are targeted to people with incomes
at 50 percent of median income and below.
In the Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher program, 75 percent of the
households assisted must be at or below 30 percent of median income, an income
category that includes all people with disabilities who rely on the federal
SSI program.
|
More The National Low
Income Housing Coalition – a national organization dedicated solely to
ending Out of Reach
contains income and rental housing cost data for the 50 states and the |
In 2002, 24 states provided a state-funded
supplement to SSI benefits. These
monthly supplements ranged from as little as $2 in
It is interesting to note that of those 24 states
that provide a supplement to the federal benefits, only five (
Although
the economy began to decline in most areas of the country between 2000 and
2002, housing prices continued to rise. Table
3 compares the rate of growth in SSI benefit amounts to the rate of growth
in HUD FMRs from 2000 to 2002. Unfortunately
for people with disabilities, the strong rental housing market meant that
rents increased dramatically in many housing market areas at a time when SSI
cost-of-living increases were much more modest.
From 2000 to 2002, rents for one-bedroom units increased 14 percent
while SSI benefit levels rose by only 6 percent.
In some housing market areas, increases in rental housing costs were six
times higher than SSI increases.
As Table 3 indicates, in
many areas of the country, cost-of-living adjustments in SSI benefits did not
keep pace with the increasing cost of rental housing.
In nine states (
Since many people with
disabilities receiving SSI are not able to work, disability researchers
typically do not focus on hourly wage rates.
However, given recent changes to federal regulations that provide for
greater flexibility in maintaining SSI and Medicaid benefits when employed,
hourly wage data has become even more important as a tool for analyzing how
little “buying power” a person with a disability receiving SSI – or a
person with a disability with a minimum wage job – actually has in the
rental housing market.
The National Low Income
Housing Coalition’s Housing Wage is the amount of income per hour that
full-time workers must earn to have their rental housing costs be affordable
– defined as paying no more than 30 percent of income for modest housing.
Because the Housing Wage also compares income to rents in a manner
similar to Priced Out, it can also be used to illustrate the huge gap
between SSI incomes and the cost of rental housing.
Table 4
indicates that, as a national average, the Housing Wage for a low-income
person in 2002 to rent an affordable one-bedroom unit was $12.08 per hour.
Monthly SSI income is equivalent to an hourly rate of only $3.43 –
less than one-third of the Housing Wage. Even
in
By viewing Appendix A of Priced
Out in 2002 online at www.tacinc.org, or by ordering your own copy from
TAC using the order form on page 7, people with disabilities, their families,
and their advocates can obtain further information regarding housing
affordability in their community. Because
Appendix A presents rent and income information within a context that is
familiar to state and local housing officials, it is also an extremely helpful
tool for housing advocacy purposes. It
can be used by disability advocates to engage state and local housing
officials, and provide specific information on the housing needs of people
with disabilities in that housing market area.
As an example of the
additional information available in this report, a section of Appendix A has
been highlighted below to illustrate the housing affordability problems
confronting people with disabilities in the federally defined housing market
areas of the State of

Figure 1
illustrates that it was virtually impossible for a person with a disability
receiving SSI benefits to rent modest housing anywhere in
The findings in Priced
Out in 2002 document extreme housing affordability problems for
people with disabilities – problems that have become much worse since the
first edition of Priced Out was published in 1998.
Cost-of-living increases in SSI benefits, state SSI supplements, or
even employment at the minimum wage will never be enough to close the housing
affordability gap created by the escalating cost of privately owned rental
housing in the
For many years, the federal government, as well as
many state and local housing officials, have turned their backs on the poorest
people with disabilities who need housing assistance in order to have any
chance to live in decent housing of their own in the community.
This trend continues in 2003, as federal housing programs are cut so
that tax cuts for the most affluent Am
The
findings contained in Priced Out in 2002
illustrate the deepening housing crisis affecting people with
disabilities – and a housing affordability gap that is worse now than it was
two years ago. Priced
Out in 2002 should serve as a wake-up call to all federal, state, and
local officials who – while acknowledging the nation’s housing and/or
chronic homeless problems – fail to make the housing needs and housing
affordability problems of people with disabilities a high priority.
As advocates and self-advocates, we must redouble
our efforts to change state and federal policies and strengthen our commitment
to work with others who share our vision to help those most in need.
Collectively, we must continue to help build the political will to
change government housing policies, and promote a significant expansion of
decent, safe, affordable, accessible, and integrated housing for people with
disabilities in every community in the United States.
The information in Priced
Out in 2002 can be used by the disability community to document the housing
needs of people with disabilities – including the extreme poverty of people
with disabilities receiving SSI benefits. Most
importantly, Priced Out in 2002 can be
used to prove that people with disabilities receiving SSI benefits cannot afford rental housing – using locally-based HUD Fair
Market Rents as the comparison – and that the housing crisis they face is
getting worse each year.
The
disability community must learn to use the housing advocacy tools that have been
provided within federal law – including the right to participate in the
development of all federally mandated strategic housing plans – to establish
partnerships with government housing officials.
It is only through these partnerships – and through greater access to
federal housing programs – that the acute housing crisis currently facing
people with disabilities can be addressed.
The disability community can
use the information in this report to engage state and local housing officials
in a dialogue about the housing needs of people with disabilities.
These housing officials are responsible for developing critical housing
strategies that determine how federal housing resources are used in states and
localities.
There
are four significant housing planning opportunities for disability advocates to
influence the use of federal housing resources:
These
federally mandated planning documents control billions of dollars of new federal
housing resources that can be used to address the housing crisis currently
facing people with disabilities.
Consolidated Plan
The
Consolidated Plan (ConPlan) is the “master plan” for affordable housing in
local communities and states. Each
year, Congress appropriates billions of dollars (approximately $6.6 billion for
federal Fiscal Year 2003) that are distributed by HUD directly to all states,
most urban counties, and certain “entitlement communities.”
The ConPlan is intended to
be a comprehensive, long-range planning document describing housing needs,
market conditions, and housing strategies, and outlining an action plan for the
use of federal housing funds. The
ConPlan is the best chance to go on record about the housing crisis facing
people with disabilities in the community or state and demand that people with
disabilities receive their “fair share” of federal housing funds distributed
through the ConPlan process. The
information in Priced Out in 2002 can be provided to the housing
officials preparing the ConPlan, and should be included in the final plan
submitted to HUD.
More
important than this documentation, however, is the need to convince these
housing officials that people with disabilities should be receiving their
“fair share” of federal housing funding distributed through the ConPlan
process. The information included in
Priced Out in 2002 can help to begin a dialogue that results in more
federal housing funding being directed to assist people with disabilities in
local communities. To learn more
about how the disability community can use the ConPlan process to influence
housing officials, see Piecing It All Together in Your Community: Playing the
Housing Game available online at www.tacinc.org.
Public Housing Agency
Plan
New public housing reform
legislation enacted in 1998 gave PHAs more flexibility and control over how
federal public housing and Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher program funds are
used in their communities. Along
with this flexibility and control came new requirements, including the creation
of a new five-year comprehensive planning document known as the Public Housing
Agency Plan (PHA Plan). In
consultation with a Resident Advisory
Like the ConPlan, the PHA
Plan includes a statement of the housing needs of low- and very low-income
people in the community and describes how the PHA’s resources – specifically
federal public housing and the Section 8 rental assistance programs – will be
used to meet these needs. For
example, through the PHA Plan, local housing officials could decide to direct
more Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher program funding to people with
disabilities receiving SSI benefits. For
more information on the PHA Plan, see issue 8 of Opening Doors: Affordable
Housing in Your Community. What You
Need to Know! What You Need to Do!
available online at www.tacinc.org.
Continuum of Care
HUD’s third housing plan,
the Continuum of Care, documents a community’s strategy for addressing
homelessness, including a description of what role HUD’s McKinney/Vento
Homeless Assistance funds play in that strategy.
The HUD McKinney/Vento Homeless Assistance programs have formed the
backbone of local efforts intended to address the many needs of homeless
individuals and families in states and communities across the nation.
Unlike the ConPlan and the PHA Plan, which are required by law, the
Continuum of Care was created by HUD as a policy to help coordinate the
provision of housing and services to homeless people.
Since 1994, with the introduction of Continuum of Care planning,
communities have been encouraged to envision, organize, and plan comprehensive
and long-term solutions to address the problem of homelessness.
The strategic planning conducted through this process also forms the
basis of a Continuum of Care plan and application to HUD for Homeless Assistance
funds.
As with the other HUD
housing plans, Continuum of Care planning presents a valuable opportunity for
the disability community to provide input regarding the housing and supportive
services needs of people with disabilities who are homeless, including those
people who need permanent supportive housing.
For more information on the Continuum of Care, see How to Be A Player
in the Continuum of Care available online at www.tacinc.org.
Qualified Allocation
Plan
As with the ConPlan and PHA
Plan, when Congress created the Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program in
1986, it also included the requirement that states develop a strategic housing
document describing how LIHTC funds would be utilized to meet the housing needs
and priorities of the state. In
accordance with this law, prior to allocating tax credits, each state must
develop a Qualified Allocation Plan (QAP). The
QAP outlines the state’s affordable housing priorities and how to apply for
tax credits. The QAP must be
consistent with the state ConPlan and solicit public comment prior to becoming
final.
Federal law requires that
the QAP give priority to projects that serve the lowest-income households and
remain affordable for the longest period of time.
In addition, by law, 10 percent of a state’s annual LIHTC allocation
must be reserved for non-profit organizations.
Some states have
additional set-asides within the LIHTC Program to encourage the creation of
certain types of housing. For
example, some QAPs include a requirement that housing developed with tax credits
include a set-aside of units for households with incomes below 30 percent of the
median income.
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